The global context of deteriorating relations between Russia, on the one hand, and the U. Nevertheless, despite their differing national security agendas, Russia, Japan, and the U. To maintain peace, security, and strategic stability in Northeast Asia from the viewpoint of the Russia-Japan-U. With situation in constant flux, and both the North Korean and the American leaders being prone to provocative and potentially dangerous actions, no chance at reconciliation must be wasted.
Should the dialogue with North Korea prove possible to maintain, the United States should strive to upgrade their contacts with North Korea from leader-to-leader bilateral talks to a more multilateral and institutionalized format. A return to the six-party talks, probably, under a different name, is one possibility.
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A new format with a different list of participants, but that would still include the key regional stakeholders, Russia and Japan among them, is another one. The United States and Russia should make utmost effort to overcome the vicious circle of distrust, accusations, pressure, and threats that is building up between them, and the political will necessary for this must be exercised by both sides. At the very least, Moscow and Washington should not let this negative dynamic influence the prospects of their cooperation on the issues of security in Northeast Asia.
An Examination of Japan’s Asia-Pacific Policy
The potential resumption of talks on the Korean issue should be used as an opportunity for increasing dialogue between Russia and the United States as well, with the prospect of turning this ad-hoc format into a comprehensive regional collective security framework.
The existing multilateral frameworks, such as the East Asia summit, or G20, should be used to the maximum to further cooperation on vital security issues. To preserve the achievements of the Russo-Japanese rapprochement and to expand them into the domain of security, further confidence-building measures need to be undertaken by Moscow and Tokyo.
This could include deepening the exchanges between the militaries and law enforcement agencies, conducting joint exercises, or widening the agenda of top-level meetings to include a wider scope of regional issues. Japan needs to be careful to ensure the preservation of its exclusively defenseoriented posture.
Finally, creating conditions for China becoming a cooperative and responsible power should be one of the top priorities of all regional states concerned. For the United States and Japan, it would mean not trying to contain or exclude China, and being open and responsive to its initiatives and legitimate claims. For Russia, it would mean continuing to maintain friendly and cooperative relations with Beijing, while keeping a reasonable distance and not committing itself to this cooperation — neither in words nor in deeds — to such an extent that this effectively becomes an anti-U. The allure of securing a powerful ally is, again, understandable, but, in the long run, the return of bloc thinking is going to be detrimental to the entire international community.
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Publications :. RIAC Publications. Triangle May 21, Competition for potentially oil-rich sea beds surrounding the Spratley and Parcel islands in the South China Sea has led to military confrontations and fueled an intense regional arms race involving China and five lesser powers. Adding to regional insecurity is the ever-present risk of nuclear proliferation.
China is seen by Washington and Tokyo as the greatest challenge to their condominium.
For the time being, the Clinton administration has opted for engagement, while continuing military preparations for possible future confrontations. Although the U. In such circumstances, Tokyo could opt to restructure the balance of power by pursuing an independent path or ally itself with China in pursuit of its economic interests.
There are also intimations of an alternative approach based on multilateral security structures and Common Security. A series of postwar bilateral treaties, which minimize collaboration among U. Asian-Pacific allies and clients and maximize their dependence on the U. The Mutual Security Treaty legitimizes the presence of U. These bases serve multiple functions: encirclement of the Soviet Union and now Russia and China; training and jumping off points for U.
Fifty-nine thousand U. The U.
France Is Looking for New Allies in Asia – Foreign Policy
Communities, political parties, and popular movements have protested land seizures, GI crime, military exercises, and loss of sovereignty. Diverging economic interests also undermine the alliance. Americans ask if they should make financial sacrifices for Japanese economic interests. Japanese ask why they must sacrifice for U. The Clinton administration is concentrating on the modernization of the alliance and building popular support for it.
see url Its Nye Initiative envisioned deepening personal relationships between senior U. The April summit between Clinton and Prime Minister Hashimoto was used to pacify the Japanese anti-bases revolt, to redefine the AMPO, and to rebuild popular support for the alliance. No bases will be closed until Japan provides and constructs acceptable alternate sites.
Defense Cooperation. This will permit expansion of the Japanese military operations at the expense of the peace constitution. The two leaders also agreed to further integrate their militaries through increased Japanese logistical support and continued collaboration in technology and weapons development.
The deepening of the U. China countered the Clinton-Hashimoto summit by welcoming Boris Yeltsin to Beijing to reconfirm the stability of the Russian-Chinese border. This allows Beijing to concentrate resources on anticipated U.
It is widely anticipated that North Korea will implode or will be more gradually absorbed by South Korea. Regarding China, the debate in Washington and academia has been engagement versus containment. The meeting between Clinton and President Jiang in Manila and the commitment to exchange state visits indicate that engagement is now U.